Where Have All the Trash Cans Gone?!

Have Life is London so far has been one of delightful adjustment; I'm finally getting comfortable with the Tube, saying "football" instead of "soccer," and eating take-away baguettes. Something that I still have not gotten used to is the devastating shortage of trashcans in Central London. Everyday when I get home to my flat, I have to fish out the 2 pounds of garbage that I have collected throughout the day. Furthermore, it is all too common to see bags of trash collected in (albeit) tidy piles on the streets. My annoyance with this led me to research this issue a bit further. Of course, this led me to yet another blog post related to Ireland in the 20th Century!

The Provisional IRA began their London bombing campaign in the early 1970s. In 1973 alone, the Provos successfully planted 36 bombs in London. Their goal in bringing the violence of Northern Ireland to the heart of the UK was to turn the British people against their government and thus push for independence from Northern Ireland.

Trash cans eventually proved to be the perfect vessel for IRA bombs. By using trash bins, they were able to target crowded areas and thus make an impact in the media and get a reaction from the government. In 1991, the IRA planted a bomb in a trash can at the bustling Victoria Station. Two years later, several children were killed in yet another trash can bomb. Londoners at this time faced a constant state of fear that undoubtedly disrupted their lives and safety for over thirty years. The removal of a vast majority of the trash cans in Central London may seem a bit trivial, but it had a profound effect on the sense of normalcy that we value so highly in Western societies.

Although the IRA bombing campaign officially (and actually) ended in 2005, the British are taking steps to ensure that trash can bombings will no longer be an issue. London is set to be the first city to try bomb-proof trash cans. These trash cans, which will also be recycling bins with LCD screens that display travel information and news updates, were developed by British company Media Metrica. According to that company they "weigh one ton each, and were tested in the lifeless deserts of New Mexico for five years to ensure they are completely, totally indestructible, can absorb heat from explosives, prevent shrapnel spread, and extinguish "fireballs."" In the midst of the current economic crisis, these futuristic trash cans may be a ways off, but the fact that they are even being considered is indicative of the past and present times.

Sources: http://www.museumoflondon.org.uk/English/Collections/OnlineResources/X20L/Themes/1380/1150/, http://www.engadget.com/2008/10/31/londons-new-bomb-proof-trash-cans-will-survive-the-apocalypse/, http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9A07E7DB1E39F93BA25757C0A960958260&n=Top/Reference/Times%20Topics/Subjects/B/Bombs%20and%20Explosives&scp=2&sq=london%20ira%20trash%20can%20bomb&st=cse

Art Nouveau in Prague

Last weekend, I visited Prague for the first time and absolutely fell in love with the architecture there; it is such an intriguing mixture of its rich history. Romanesque, Gothic, Renaissance, Baroque, and Rococo styles of architecture dominate most of the city, but I was especially impressed by the more modernist Art Nouveau style that has a very strong presence.

As an artistic genre, Art Nouveau was largely a response to the Industrial Revolution. While the rise of industry led to the mass production of identical goods, Art Nouveau sought to make unique items from the same materials used in factory production. By using organic and natural forms in their work, these artist were rejecting the rigid industrial form.

Although the Art Nouveau movement began in the late 18th Century in Paris, it did not reach the Czech Republic until the early 20th Century. Alfons Much, a native Czech artist, did the most to bring about this movement both in Prague and throughout the rest of Europe. As a strong advocate of Slavic separtism, Mucha was able to make his artistic mark after Czechoslovakia gained its independence from the Austro-Hungarian Empire after WWI. In 1920, Mucha went to work for the new Czech government. While he designed standard banknotes and official documents, he also created the stained glass windows at St. Vitus Cathedral in Prague Castle.

Sources: http://www.nga.gov/feature/nouveau/exhibit_intro.shtm, http://www.abcgallery.com/M/mucha/muchabio.html

The Old Firm Rivarly

You don’t have to be in London long before you start to catch the football bug that plagues so many Europeans. Football isn't just an amusing pastime for these people, it's a way of life that reflects their cultural values. My trip to Scotland last weekend made this especially evident as I witnessed the Old Firm rivalry between the Glasgow Rangers and Celtic F.C. firsthand because a game between the two teams was to take place that Sunday. I found all of this especially interesting because last semester I took an Ethnicity and Internal War class in which I wrote a paper on this rivalry and how it reflected the deeper religous divisions between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland. Catholics overwhelmingly side with Celtic while Protestants support Rangers. Their dedication to their teams played a major role in the violence of Northern Ireland throughout the twentieth century and continue to today (although to a lesser degree of violence).

The rift between Celtic and Rangers fans in Belfast, Northern Ireland began in the early twentieth century when The Harland and Wolff Shipbuilding Company (a Protestant company) moved from Belfast to Glasgow. They brought with them a substantial base of Protestant workers who already possessed an ingrained hatred of Catholics. Aside from the change in demographics, sectarian divisions were intensified by the Scottish depression of the 1920s when limited resources resulted in stiff competition for jobs . The Church of Scotland found a scapegoat in the Irish and Old Firm emotions and ensuing violence were taken to a new level.

A devastating effect of this rivalry was the violence that followed it. Violence has also become an especially prevalent component of the Old Firm rivalry in Belfast. In fact, Old Firm match violence occurs in higher numbers and intensity in Northern Ireland than in Glasgow. In Glasgow, most violence is due to drunken thugs who happen to meet. In Belfast, violence arises in the areas that separate the Catholic and Protestant areas. Instances of violence include car burnings, stabbings, gunshots, Protestant marching riots, and Catholics shooting fireworks at police.

Both Rangers and Celtic fans draw on historical hatred to show their support for their teams today. Rangers fans traditionally don orange shirts and wave orange banners in proud remembrance of King Billy’s victory and expulsion of the Catholic monarchy in 1688. Cheers such as “Hello, hello we are the Billy Boys,” “We are up to our knees in Fenian blood,” and “*uck the pope” reflect these historical and religious undertones. Celtic fans, on the other hand, cite traditional Celtic song reflects this with the lyrics “Say hello to the Provos, say hello to the brave, say hello to the Provos, and Ireland shall be saved." Another Celtic song summons the historical aspect of the rivalry with, “T’was long ago we faced the foe, the Old Brigade and me. And by my side, they fought and died that Ireland might be free." This rhetoric very closely mirrors that found throughout Northern Ireland in the twentieth century between Catholics and Protestants.

The fact that both of these teams have strong links to violent groups in Northern Ireland is also a cause for concern and contention. Rangers possess close ties to the Ulster Volunteer Force and Ulster Defense Association while Celtic is certainly no stranger to the IRA. Indeed the loyalties of Rangers and Celtic fans does not stay on the football pitch, but instead manifests itself in a very real and violent way in Northern Ireland today.

Source: How Soccer Explains the World by Eric Foer

The ''Irish Problem" During WWI

When studying World War I, we often tend to focus on the major players- England, France, Germany, Russia, Italy, and the US. However, it can be very interesting and insightful when you take a different approach and devle into the story behind the seemingly less significant nations during the conflict. In his article published in the Atlantic Montly, Henry W. Massingham discussed just this. He began this article entitled "Ireland 1916- And Beyond" by saying that "it had been the misfortune of England to forget Ireland at the moment when the relationship of the two countries should have been closer and more sympathetic than usual." In the wake of a devastating famine, England neglected to aid Ireland due to the outbreak of the war. The effects of this proved to be disastrous both then and in the future.

England's first big mistake regarding Ireland was the postponement of Home Rule there. By removing any semblance of control the Irish had, the English fueled their desire for independence. The threat of this volatile Ulster greatly demoralized the British army and brought about the possiblity of a civil war- something that Germany considered and tried to instigate. In fact, pro-German sentiments in Northern Ireland were not uncommon at all during the war. Massingham noted how many much of the clergy in the Irish Catholic Church had close ties to the German Church. The notion of a defiant Ireland siding against England was something our BLC lecturer Dr. Mark Boden noted as still being present today. He told us that modern soccer matches between England and Germany incite Irish support against the English. It is interesting to see how political events during WWI carry over to today.

Another result of the end of Home Rule in Northern Ireland was the rise of Sinn Fein. As a party, Sinn Fein tapped into the Irish outrage regarding their underrepresentation in the government. Futhermore, many Irish were angered at the conscription which was imposed on them with the onset of the war. The document pictured here is the National Defence Fund which was an anti conscription pledge/fund drawn up after the British decided to extend conscription to Ireland in 1918. It is because of the gains that Sinn Fein made during these formative years that they were able to become a dominant political force in the late 1960s.

Overall, Massingham discusses the difficulty of the "mixed problem of nationality and empire, whith neither the Home Rule bill, nor the plan of provincial self-government, nor Sinn Fein propaganda could yeild." Indeed, the problems that arose between England and Ireland during WWI paved the way for the violence in Northern Ireland that lasted the better part of the 20th Century.